Originally posted August 2011
Russia's relations with Syria – even under the Assad regime – have been more troubled than current press accounts of Moscow-Damascus ties indicate. But despite the internal and external opposition to the Assad regime that has risen up over the past year, the Russian government has defended it staunchly via its Security Council veto and other means. In his talk, Mark Katz will discuss why Moscow supports the Assad regime so strongly as well as why it is willing to incur the costs of doing so.
Why Does Russia Support the Assad Regime? podcast, 15 March, 2012
Why Does Russia Support the Assad Regime? podcast, 15 March, 2012
Why Does Russia Support the Assad Regime? podcast, 15 March, 2012
Why Does Russia Support the Assad Regime? podcast, 15 March, 2012
Why Does Russia Support the Assad Regime? podcast, 15 March, 2012
Originally posted September 2011
On August 21, 2011, rebel forces in Libya rolled into the capital Tripoli, seemingly finishing off months of armed combat and foreign intervention and bringing down yet another Arab head of state. At the same time, sporadic but violent repression of protests in Syria continues, while other states remain calm or have seen their protest movements fizzle. We open this second volume of our series, Revolution and Political Transformation¸ at a time of uncertainty and transition for the region.
In his article for NPR.com, Middle East Institute scholar Greg Myre examines the new dynamics of war reporting. As the nature of warfare shifts from traditional army-to-army combat to more assymetrical government vs. non-state opposition warfare, journalists are having to embed – alone – with rebels groups in order to get the story. In the wake of multiple journalist deaths in Syria, Myre looks at the increasing risk faced by war correspondents in covering the front lines of conflict.
Of all the countries that are vital to the strategic and economic interests of the United States, Saudi Arabia is the least understood by the American people. Today's Saudis, far better informed than previous generations, are looking for new political institutions that will enable them to be heard, but these aspirations conflict with the kingdom's strict traditions and with the House of Saud's determination to retain power. Meanwhile, the country wishes to remain under the protection of American security but still clings to a system that is antithetical to American values.
Following last week's Russian-Chinese veto of an Arab-backed U.N. resolution, the international community is struggling to find ways to stem the ongoing violence and bloodshed. European states are considering a fresh round of sanctions, while Turkey says it's preparing a new initiative to address the crisis. Nerguizian, Slim and Yacoubian will discuss the international community's options, as well as examine the status of the Syrian opposition and the role of regional players.
This Opinion first appeared in the New York Times’ Sunday Review section on January 21, 2012
This Opinion first appeared in ForeignPolicy.com on February 23, 2012
Originally posted October 2009
The year 1979 was the last year of the pivotal decade in which the Saudi economy took its modern shape; no other decade before or since has seen more change. The patterns of oil-driven politics that emerged at the time still define the Kingdom’s political landscape today — even if some of the players in the political game have subtly shifted their roles.