Research & Commentary Results

The Obama administration's efforts to win a settlement freeze as a confidence-building measure have failed, and the U.S.has not presented a new vision for resuming the moribund peace process. Nevertheless, many analysts now recommend shifting the diplomatic focus to negotiations to define the border between Israel and the future state of Palestine. Resolving the border would address the issues of settlements and Jerusalem as well as potential land swaps between the two states.

When Egyptians, fed up with corruption, dictatorship, and lousy government, pushed President Hosni Mubarak out the door, some worried whether the burst of enthusiasm for free, open elections and democracy would be squelched by Islamist groups like Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood. History teaches that the real question isn’t who starts revolution, but who wins it. What begins as a quest for democracy can produce a new dictatorship.

I. Overview

The Middle East Institute is proud to host the Honorable Robert Wexler and Dr. Yoram Peri for a discussion about the challenges facing Israel and the Middle East peace process in the wake of the resignation of Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak. Some in Israel, including former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert, argue that current events in the region make it imperative that Israel move quickly to secure a peace treaty with the Palestinians. Others insist Israel proceed with caution, given the increased instability in the region.

Drawing on over thirty years' experience covering Middle Eastern and Islamic issues, mostly for the BBC, Roger Hardy argues that the media have all too often shown a chronic lack of understanding of Islam and Muslim societies – and by distorting or sensationalizing Muslim issues have made it harder to combat extremism and win the 'war of ideas.' As Arab and Muslim protesters take to the streets of Cairo and the Arab world, Hardy examines if coverage and understanding of the Muslim world has deepened or improved.

The Middle East Institute is proud to host Steven Kull and Shibley Telhami for an examination of Egyptian views and attitudes towards governance and their future. As Egyptian demonstrators celebrate the resignation of President Hosni Mubarak, many wonder what kind of system the Egyptian people really want. How do they view the Muslim Brotherhood? If Egypt were to become more democratic what are we likely to see in terms of its relation with the US, Israel and other countries in the region?

The shock waves of Hosni Mubarak’s resignation have just started to roll across the Middle East, but in Egypt the upheaval has barely begun. The country now embarks on what the protesters in Tahrir square hope will be a transition to a true, civilian-led democracy. In the meantime, Egypt is headed for a period of military rule in some form, with the ultimate intentions of the armed forces leadership still in doubt. Will the military act to effect the “genuine transition” now demanded by the Obama Administration and the protesters themselves?

Egypt has had more than four decades of intensive natural gas exploration and development activities, which have become the main focus of the country’s hydrocarbon industry.

We are entering the era of water scarcity throughout the world. Water scarcity is different from mined resources that become scarce when the lode runs out. Water is almost always renewable. The scarcity applies to expansion. For thousands of years, supply has been expanded through engineering. Nowhere is that more obvious than in Egypt, where water demand has been met by increasing supply. Expansion accelerated during the 19th and 20th centuries, but has now ground to a halt as there is no more water to collect, store, and distribute.

If the current crisis in Egypt is to be resolved peacefully, the Egyptian military will play a central role. Few, if any outside the Egyptian armed forces, however, truly understand the Egyptian military. The following is an attempt to begin the process of better understanding this crucial institution.

*A longer version of this article first appeared as a Special Commentary on the Jamestown Foundation's website, February 2, 2011.

Israeli politics is notable for its wide array of parties and unstable coalition governments. The main institutional cause of this chronic instability is the system of nationwide proportional representation, which gives disproportionate influence to minor parties. This instability limits the ability of Israeli governments to pursue coherent long-term strategies and leads to policies that address the concerns of minority groups at the expense of the national interest.

This Commentary first appeared in the American Interest's Middle East Blog on January 31, 2011.

The end is now at hand for the government of Hosni Mubarak, ruler of Egypt for the last thirty years. Two outstanding questions face us now: What will the army do? And how should the United States react?

Educational reform in Israel has repeatedly shifted from expecting individual excellence to expecting access for all. Excellence and access reflects the early history of the country when Jewish funders from France, England, and Germany established educational systems for Jewish children. The Zionist organizations that structured much of the curriculum and the external funding streams insured the Jewish schools were far better funded than the British-supported schools during the Mandate.

External Partnerships

Originally posted October 2010