This article originally appeared in the Washington Post.
The struggle for bodily integrity—a right broadly defined as the inviolability of the human body and the self-determination of humans over their bodies—has been at the center of revolutionary aspirations in Egypt. Sexual assaults, arbitrary arrests, and torture by security forces; corrupt and defunct state healthcare systems; the abuse of agricultural subsidies resulting in innutritious food products—all of these are realities that took a painful physical toll on Egyptians and helped drive them to demand an end to Mubarak’s regime.
Dr. Abdel Moneim Aboul Fotouh, once a prominent member of the Muslim Brotherhood, former presidential candidate, and head of the Strong Egypt Party, spoke with Cornelis Hulsman, editor of Arab-West Report, in an interview for MEI regarding his break from the Brotherhood, Morsi’s ouster, and what he sees as necessary for Egypt’s future.
You were once a member of the Muslim Brotherhood. Why did you leave the organization?
On Wednesday, October 16, 2013, the Middle East Institute hosted author and Brookings senior fellow Ken Pollack for a discussion of his book, Unthinkable: Iran, the Bomb, and American Strategy(Simon & Schuster, 2013). In his latest work, Pollack explores the protracted tensions underlying the U.S.-Iranian relationship, how it evolved to its current status, and how the U.S. should best address Iran’s nuclear ambitions.
The Middle East Institute is proud to host author and Brookings senior fellow Ken Pollack for a discussion of his book, Unthinkable: Iran, the Bomb, and American Strategy (Simon & Schuster, 2013). In his latest work, Pollack explores the protracted tensions underlying the U.S.-Iranian relationship, how it evolved to its current status, and how the U.S. should best address Iran’s nuclear ambitions.
This article first appeared in Foreign Policy.
In April, Egyptian graphic novelist Magdy el-Shafee went to Abdel Moneim Riad Square in downtown Cairo to protest a draft law put forth by the Muslim Brotherhood’s political arm, the Freedom and Justice Party (FJP). It would only be two months until the Brotherhood president, Mohamed Morsi, would be ousted by the Egyptian military.
Think of American mainstream media in the aftermath of 9/11 and you might get a general idea of the state of the Egyptian equivalent since the June 30 uprising against Muslim Brotherhood rule—allowing, that is, for less sophistication and a considerably greater measure of crudity. The fluttering flags at the top of television screens, along with variations on the “war on terror” banner, were copied almost identically, if less tastefully, by both state-owned and private Egyptian television stations from CNN, FOX, and the rest.
In C.S. Lewis’ fantasy land of Narnia, the white witch put a spell on her realm to ensure that there would be perpetual winter and that Christmas would never come. For 34 years American-Iranian relations have been similar: a long, hard freeze unbroken by any cracks or signs of thaw.
Three months after the ousting of President Mohamed Morsi, Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood remains in shock. In two and a half years, the group went full circle, from an outlawed organization to one that won a plurality in parliamentary elections and saw its candidate win the presidential election, to that president’s ouster a year later and the subsequent court verdict ordering the group’s shutdown. During this short journey, the Brotherhood shifted alliances.
In early 2012, Hagg Hassan had a complaint. A resident of the village of Ab’adeyet Wally Mizar in Fayoum, 65 miles southwest of Cairo, Hagg Hassan had been receiving a monthly pension of 300 Egyptian pounds. But one day, he was given only 250. Hagg Hassan was livid. The budget cut would also apply to his wife and widowed daughter—a loss of 150 pounds for the household. Hagg Hassan lit a cigarette and asked his daughter to write a petition.
There can be no doubt that revolutionary activities gripped Egypt after the January 2011 uprising began. Yet, just as revolutionary waves pushed for greater freedoms and social justice, counterrevolutionary forces responded to maintain some semblance of a Mubarakist-regime without Mubarak. The prospects for increased political freedom look dim at the moment.
Panel IV: Engaging the International CommunityModerated by Michael Hanna, The Century Foundation Jason Brownlee, University of Texas at AustinAmy Hawthorne, Atlantic CouncilMohamed Elmenshawy, Middle East InstituteAbdel Monem Said, al Masry al YoumClosing remarks by Kate Seelye, The Middle East Institute.
Panel IV: Engaging the International CommunityModerated by Michael Hanna, The Century Foundation Jason Brownlee, University of Texas at AustinAmy Hawthorne, Atlantic CouncilMohamed Elmenshawy, Middle East InstituteAbdel Monem Said, al Masry al YoumClosing remarks by Kate Seelye, The Middle East Institute.