Tunisia's political crisis
Lilia Blaise and Fadil Aliriza join Intissar Fakir for a discussion on Tunisia’s political turmoil following President Kais Saied’s series of moves since July to reshape the country’s government.
Lilia Blaise and Fadil Aliriza join Intissar Fakir for a discussion on Tunisia’s political turmoil following President Kais Saied’s series of moves since July to reshape the country’s government.
كبير الباحثين ومدير برامج سوريا ومكافحة الإرهاب والتطرف
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هذا المقال يأتي ضمن سلسلة من أربعة أجزاء نشرها معهد الشرق الأوسط بالتعاون مع الباروميتر العربي لتحليل نتائج الدورة السادسة من استطلاعات الباروميتر العربي.
On Oct. 4, MEI hosted a discussion with Dr. James Zogby, president of the Arab American Institute and founder of Zogby Research Services (ZRS); Elizia Volkmann, a British freelance journalist based in Tunis; and Dr. Eya Jrad, researcher and assistant professor of security studies at the Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research Tunisia. The conversation revolved around the findings of a ZRS survey of 1,551 Tunisians conducted between Aug. 15 and Sept. 5 covering their attitudes and optimism regarding the future.
هذا المقال يأتي ضمن سلسلة من أربعة أجزاء نشرها معهد الشرق الأوسط بالتعاون مع الباروميتر العربي لتحليل نتائج الدورة السادسة من استطلاعات الباروميتر العربي.
Jordan is going full speed ahead in normalizing relations with the Syrian regime, 10 years after it suspended political and economic ties with its northern neighbor in the wake of the eruption of the Syrian uprising. On Oct. 3, and in the first public contact between Abdullah and Syrian President Bashar al-Assad since 2011, Amman announced that the king had received a call from Assad. Talks focused on bilateral relations and ways to strengthen cooperation. The king stressed Jordan’s support for efforts to back Syrian territorial integrity, sovereignty, and unity. Jordan had allowed the Syrian embassy to remain open in Amman and kept a skeleton staff at its embassy in Damascus.
In recent years, China and Russia have gradually increased their influence in the Maghreb. The two powers, relative newcomers to the regional scene compared to Europe and the U.S., have been building stronger commercial, security, and diplomatic ties to the Maghreb countries of Morocco, Algeria, and Tunisia. However, these ties have not yet translated into significant popular approval or support.
يجتمع الرؤساء الروسي والتركي والإيراني يوم الأربعاء 29 سبتمبر/أيلول في مدينة سوتشي الروسية لمناقشة الوضع في سوريا. وكما كان الحال في الاجتماعات السابقة، من المرجح أن يتصدر الوضع في شمال غرب سوريا جدول الأعمال. على الرغم من أن منطقة إدلب الكبرى ظلت من الناحية التقنية خاضعة لوقف إطلاق النار الذي اتفقت عليه روسيا وتركيا في مارس/آذار 2020، إلا أن الطائرات الروسية والمدفعية السورية ارتكبت انتهاكات قاتلة ومتكررة منذ ذلك الحين.
Read MEI’s weekly briefing featuring expert analysis of key regional developments for the week ahead.
The latest round of public opinion surveys conducted by Arab Barometer confirms that the deterioration of the economy — or more specifically a continuing collapse in living standards — has been at the forefront of people’s minds in Tunisia.
After 40 years, Syria once again has dual military rule, where the president and his brother are the highest authorities. In the early 1980s, Rifaat al-Assad, the brother of Hafez al-Assad, was the commander of the Defense Companies and the strong man in Syria in the military, security, and even civilian spheres, while Hafez was in a coma. Today, we see this scenario echoed with the control of Maher al-Assad, Bashar al-Assad’s brother, over the Fourth Division, which has become an elite military unit due to strong Iranian support and its control over various territories of the country.
بعد أربعين عاما، تتجدد ثناية الحكم العسكري في سوريا بين الرئيس وشقيقه، ففي مطلع الثمانينات كان رفعت الأسد (شقيق حافظ الأسد)، قائد سرايا الدفاع الرجل القوي في سوريا على المستوى العسكري والأمني بل حتى على المستوى المدني، بينما كان حافظ الأسد يشكو من الغيبوبة – آنذاك-.
It took the Taliban just three and a half months to undermine a 20-year international effort to build a competent Afghan military. The Afghanistan National Army (ANA) collapsed once it was clear the U.S. was pulling out ground troops and ceasing air support operations after two decades of training and sustainment that cost the American taxpayer approximately $83 billion. When required to stand alone, against a Taliban force, the ANA failed unequivocally. Building the ANA as a mirror image of the U.S. military was strategically and operationally flawed. If they are designed to fight like the U.S. but cannot fight in the absence of U.S. forces, they are ineffective. What lessons should we learn from this and how could our approach be different in the future?
Tunisia’s July 25 hirak was in the making since 2011, but perhaps we researchers were simply looking in the wrong place. This article presents a simplified account of the ideological roots of President Kais Saied’s July 25 power grab. Drawing on original and previously unused data as well as diverse sources, including a book recently withdrawn from stores, it offers a snapshot of the concept-map of ideas that have thus far remained hidden from the public domain.