Tunisian President Kais Saied appears to be constructing a new economic strategy. While he has previously outlined his priorities with broad strokes, like fighting corruption and defending sovereignty, he has recently begun to add greater detail, adopting a personalized approach that appears to be attempting to bypass the existing corporatist structures.
The great financing gap: The state of climate funding in MENA
The Middle East and North Africa region is one of the lowest recipients of climate finance compared to other areas of the globe, such as East Asia and the Pacific Islands, despite MENA’s exposure to extreme climate risks. The MENA region’s share of climate financing from the big three global climate funds — the Green Climate Fund (GCF), the Climate Investment Funds (CIF), and the Global Environment Facility (GEF) — and their sub-funds made up only 6.6% of their cumulative global financing through 2023.
Women and climate change in MENA: Turning adversity into opportunity
The MENA region is both a climate change hotspot and one of the world’s most gender unequal regions. As a result of gender inequality, women face disproportionate risks from climate change, but there are ways to transform these threats and turn them into opportunities.
Policy shifts and political challenges as Algeria prepares for upcoming elections
A closer look at the impact of domestic and international developments on Algeria’s agenda as the country prepares for a complicated and critical presidential race in December 2024.
Tunisia’s 2023 local elections: How the "bottom-up structure" will strengthen Kais Saied's one-man rule
Tunisia’s upcoming local elections, the first to be held under the country’s new constitution, are set to take place on Dec. 24, 2023. The announcement of the date came roughly six months after the publication of presidential decrees, in March 2023, that dismantled Tunisia’s first ever democratically elected municipal councils, putting an end to the decentralization process initiated in 2018.
It isn’t a surprise that Sudan’s two warring sides — the Sudanese Armed Forces and its sprawling paramilitary Rapid Support Forces — did not agree to a ceasefire. When they resumed talks in Jeddah, mediated by the U.S. and Saudi Arabia in late October, the RSF was busy launching a major offensive on the vast western region of Darfur.
Morocco and Algeria’s regional rivalry is about to go into overdrive
The rivalry pitting Rabat against Algiers has been intensifying for years. But there are increasing risks that the political and economic competition between the two North African neighbors will accelerate into new and more challenging directions.
Enhancing Morocco's energy supplies with ISO tank and small-scale LNG
With no new interregional or international gas pipelines currently planned, gas-poor Morocco should consider alternative import schemes, such as LNG import via ISO tank containers, utilizing its well-developed port, rail, and road infrastructure.
Shared governance of groundwater resources: The case of the Nubian Sandstone Aquifer System
Groundwater resources are critical for the MENA region as much of it suffers from high water scarcity, and for some countries, groundwater aquifers are the only sources of available freshwater supply. The Nubian Sandstone Aquifer System in northeastern Africa is one of the most prominent examples, and must be managed properly in order to maintain regional security and avoid transboundary conflicts.
Treading Cautiously on Shifting Sands: An Assessment of Biden’s Middle East Policy Approach, 2021-2023
This report provides an interim assessment of the Biden administration’s overall Middle East strategy and examines the strategic opportunities and risks for U.S. policy in the broader region.
As the original Abraham Accords signatories — Israel, the United Arab Emirates, and Bahrain — observe the third anniversary of their September 2020 agreement, there is a sufficient basis to evaluate whether the Abraham Accords are real, hype, or something in-between. Much like the case a year ago, the results so far remain mixed.
Nearly five months on, Sudan’s war between its army and largest paramilitary force has destroyed much of Khartoum, the adjacent cities of Bahri and Omdurman, as well as key towns in Darfur. The warring forces have killed thousands of civilians, destroyed critical infrastructure, and forced a staggering 4.9 million people to flee their homes. The U.N. is providing important humanitarian assistance, but it should be doing far more, especially to advance accountability and improve coordination in the messy diplomatic arena. Both the high-level week in New York and the Human Rights Council session in Geneva present opportunities that it should not squander.
