Soccer is the most popular sport in Israel. As such, it is also a strategic research site in which to study Israeli society and its complex social and ethnic relations.
Dedicated to the memory of Israel Tzvi Raab Z”L, a true lover of the game
The long, complex encounter between the Israeli and Palestinian people has been examined in many cinematic and literary creations. In this essay, I will explore several that use football as a lens to read opposing political agendas and as a means to resolve conflict.
Basketball is a game where all five players need to share the ball. If it is played with great teamwork, the sum of the parts is greater than the individual. It’s a great forum for building trust. A lot of the game happens with things you can’t see. Communication and trust with teammates is the key. It seems to me that the same can be said of peacemaking.
–R.C. Buford, General Manager of the NBA’s San Antonio Spurs[1]
“Wahid, itnen, talagha ya Abu Hussein” (One, two, divorce her Abu Hussein), Al-Faisali supporters sing, as their soccer team plays against Al-Wihdat.[1] Al-Faisali is the club associated with ethnic Jordanians, while Al-Wihdat is the club of the Palestinians.
Dr. Ahmad Tibi is a member of the Arab Movement for Change and was first elected to the Israeli Knesset in 1999. He currently serves as Deputy Speaker of the Knesset and head of the parliamentary committee of inquiry, which seeks to accommodate Palestinians through integration into jobs in the public sector. He has played a key role in the politics of the Palestinian-Israeli community, which constitutes approximately one fifth of Israel's population. He has also played a key role in relations between Palestinian-Israelis and Palestinians in the occupied territories and Dr.
Originally posted March 2010
In recent months, the Israeli-Turkish relationship, strong and stable during the 1990s, has been placed under severe pressure. Tensions began in January 2009 when Israel launched military operations in Gaza, later prompting Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan to walk out of a televised debate with Israeli President Shimon Peres following a heated exchange over the issue.
There can be a democratic, de facto Palestinian state by 2011, according to Salam Fayyad, the Prime Minister of the Palestinian Authority (PA). The goal was outlined in an eloquent two-year plan entitled “Ending the Occupation, Establishing the State,”[1] published in August 2009, which called for the formation of the institutional foundations of statehood prior to, and independent of, an agreement with Israel.
This Commentary first appeared as an op-ed on BitterLemons-International.org, October 22, 2009
Syria could not be more ecstatic at the row that has recently developed between Turkey and Israel. Turkey, once among Israel's staunchest allies, now sees eye-to-eye with Syria regarding the difficulties in dealing with Israel and Israel's abusive treatment of Palestinians.
Since the “Six Day War” in June 1967, countless American and other diplomats have sought almost continuously to broker peace between Israel and its surrounding Arab enemies. From that tangled history, one achievement stands tallest in a forest of scrub: the Egypt-Israel Treaty signed on March 26, 1979 on the White House front lawn by President Anwar Sadat, Prime Minister Menachem Begin, and President Jimmy Carter.
Originally posted May 2009
One, Two / the Arab army where are you?/ The Arab army where are you?/The Egyptian Arab Army/ resides in an-Nasr [victory] compound/ Wakes up in the afternoon/ to drink its tea/ The Gulf Arab army/ can do absolutely nothing/ “Strategic silence” indeed/ “cut us some slack, man!”/ The Tunisian Arab army/ is green like parsley/ But ‘Aziza loves Yunis/ the wars can wait/ The Sudanese Arab army/ I can hear its clamor in my ears/ “Damn it!
The late King Husayn of Jordan, charismatic, compelling, idolized, was regarded, in his mature years, as the West’s best friend in the Arab world. A perspective assessment over the length of his reign, and particularly during the first Gulf War, however, reveals a far more complex figure: courageous, often wise and far-sighted, but preoccupied with lineage, haunted by ambition, and often plagued by poor judgment. During the first Gulf crisis, Husayn’s demonization of his resource-poor country’s traditional financiers, the Gulf States and Saudi Arabia, cost Jordan dearly.
Originally posted July 2008
Originally posted July 2008