Ibtihel Bouchoucha

Explore the platforms and positions of many of the key Egyptian political parties HERE

For over 30 years Egypt’s foreign policy has stood on three key pillars: building strategic relations with the United States, maintaining the peace treaty with Israel, and promoting the security of Arab states in the Gulf. The presidency and the security apparatus, moreover, have often overshadowed and minimized the influence of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the policymaking process. These pillars solidified under the rule of Hosni Mubarak, and as a result President Mohamed Morsi will not be able to uproot them anytime soon.

Since the most recent but now routine eruptions of violence between street protesters and Egypt’s state, speculation has swirled about the durability of the pact between the Muslim Brotherhood and Egypt’s armed forces.

When President Mohamed Morsi granted himself sweeping new powers last November, he unwittingly accomplished something no one had yet achieved. He managed to bring Egypt’s fractious and disparate political factions together around a single cause: bitterly opposing him and his Muslim Brotherhood. 

When I moved to Cairo in 1981 I discovered a courtly and safe city. The streets were alive with playful banter, expressions of the renowned Egyptian joie de vivre. Men who wished to attract the attention of lady passers-by sang bits of love songs or called them things like “minaret” and “gazelle.”

Hani Nour Eldin is a member of the Egyptian Islamist group al-Gama`a al-Islamiya and an administrative employee of the Suez Canal Authority. In 2011 he was elected to parliament as part of the group’s political arm, the Building and Development Party. In June 2012 he caused considerable controversy when he traveled to Washington, D.C. as part of a parliamentary delegation.

Ten months have passed since the election of the Muslim Brotherhood’s Mohamed Morsi as Egypt’s first post-uprising president. During his election campaign, Morsi repeatedly promised “change.” So far, however, it appears that Egypt’s bureaucracy has been more successful at changing Morsi’s plans and discourse than he has been at changing the state’s structures.

EXPLORE EGYPT’S KEY SOCIAL FORCES HERE

Egyptian President Mohamed Morsi addressing violence in Egypt's streets, followed by reaction from political satirist Bassem Youssef. January, 2013.

Along with countries such as Syria and Iraq, Pakistan has become a theater of doctrinal differences between Shia and Sunni Muslims, signifying that rifts between local groups have become linked to the wider violent sectarianism in the Middle East.

Qatar, as the world’s largest single LNG exporter, will be at the forefront of competition with key players in both the European and Asian markets. As an infra-marginal producer with all major capital investments already in place and in the process of being amortized, Qatar occupies a privileged though by no means entrenched competitive position.

Stability in the Middle East is essential for Japanese prosperity. Japanese investment and aid has already made significant contributions to the region’s socio-economic stability. The next step is for Japan to contribute its lessons learned as a successful case of democratic transformation.

Some might find it surprising to learn that China was never hostile or belligerent towards Israel. China never rejected or even questioned the State of Israel’s right to exist. Premier Zhou En Lai criticized Palestinian terrorism and categorically rejected the idea of ‘throwing the Israelis into the sea.’