Attiya Ahmad

Egypt, like much of MENA, is experiencing an unprecedented digital transformation. Governments throughout the region are embracing emerging technologies, particularly in governance and, increasingly, financial management. Countries across MENA are adopting ICT strategies, such as the ICT Vision 2030 in Egypt. Egypt’s plan aims to develop a knowledge-based society by means of a strong digital economy built on reliable, affordable, and equitable access to digital tools.

While there are similarities between Georgia in 2008 and Ukraine today, we argue that overstating them leads to a deeper misunderstanding of both conflicts and leaves out significant differences that need to be addressed.

Iranian observers argue that Russia is willing to sacrifice Iranian interests when expedient, and some might even think that Russia is pivoting toward Israel in its Middle East policy. Nonetheless, the big picture of Russo-Iranian relations over the last decade reveals security cooperation between Tehran and Moscow that stands on a strong and reliable foundation, with both countries benefitting.

Gulf oil and gas exporters might seek to gain market share from Russia and act as a source of energy stability for Europe.

Conventional wisdom has it that the conflict in Ukraine will lead the U.S. to bolster its military presence along NATO’s boundary in Eastern Europe, with a concomitant downscaling in the Middle East. While presenting a robust front in support of NATO is of course critical, it would be a mistake to do so at the expense of the U.S. military presence in the Middle East at a time when it appears likely that Russian President Vladimir Putin has chosen the region as the venue for the next moves in his campaign to marginalize the U.S.

In dramatic video coverage currently going viral on YouTube and TikTok, Ukrainian drones are seen to destroy a Russian convoy, with startling speed — and total impunity. The story of how destructive such drone attacks are proving to be was picked up by several U.S. papers, and brought to light the capability of the Turkish-made Bayraktar TB2 drone. Despite its emergence as an inanimate hero of the Ukraine conflict, the story of the TB2, and its employment by various actors over the last three years, brings with it a dire warning for the U.S. military.

يبدو أن الغزو الروسي لأوكرانيا سيكون له تأثير عميق على سوريا والسياسة السورية. بداية، ربما تكون العملية السياسية التي تقودها الأمم المتحدة قد تعرضت الآن لضربة قاتلة. فطوال أشهر عام 2021، كان المبعوث الخاص للأمم المتحدة غير بيدرسون يمهد الطريق لإطلاق جهد دبلوماسي متعدد الأطراف أسماه “نهج خطوة بخطوة” في عام 2022. كانت احتمالات نجاحه ضئيلة دائمًا، لكنها تبدو الآن وكأنها أملًا كاذبًا أو مستحيلًا.

تنقسم الحكومات العربية إلى ثلاثة معسكرات حول موقفها من الغزو الروسي لأوكرانيا: المعسكر الأول الموالي لروسيا، وكما هو متوقع فإنه يضم سوريا، التي سارعت إلى الاعتراف باستقلال المنطقتين الانفصاليتين المنشقتين في شرق أوكرانيا وأبدت استعدادها للانضمام إلى القتال الروسي؛ والمعسكر الثاني المناهض للغزو والذي يضم لبنان والكويت؛ أما الفريق الثالث فيضم الدول المترددة ويشمل القوى الإقليمية مثل السعودية والإمارات ومصر.

يعكس بيان جامعة الدول العربية في 28 فبراير/شباط موقف المترددين: فهو لا يذكر روسيا، ويشير إلى الغزو على أنه “أزمة”، ويدعو إلى حل دبلوماسي.

The 25-year strategic cooperation agreement between Iran and China, signed in March 2021, is coming to fruition, sparking debate among Iranians about the potential effects of deepening ties with Beijing.

تحمل الأزمة في أوكرانيا، من وجهة نظر أنقرة، مخاطر كبيرة، لكنها تنطوي أيضًا على بعض الفرص. إنها ليست أزمة من صنعهم، ولا أزمة رحبوا بها. ومع ذلك، من الواضح أن أنقرة جهَّزت مخططًا أساسيًا لتجاوز العاصفة. من وجهة نظر صانعي السياسة في واشنطن، من المرجح أن تجلب استراتيجيتهم إحباطًا أكثر من تطمينًا.

وفي نفس الوقت، فإن الفهم الأفضل لكيف تأمل تركيا أن تتجاوز الأزمة الأوكرانية يمكن أن يساعد في توضيح بعض النقاشات الجارية داخل واشنطن حول كيفية تصور السياسة الخارجية الجديدة لأنقرة ومكانها داخل حلف الناتو.

Read MEI’s weekly briefing featuring expert analysis of key regional developments for the week ahead.

The first International Development Research Centre (IDRC)-Middle East Institute (MEI) Roundtable on Energy Transitions in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), held on January 20, 2022, explored the challenges and opportunities facing the region as a result of the global energy transition. As it accelerates over the course of the century, this global transition will provide new opportunities for economies to evolve while putting a strain on the current economic model of many nations in MENA.

As the Pentagon funnels more military assets and capabilities into the U.S. Indo-Pacific Command theater, U.S. commanders in the Middle East must now adjust their strategy using an economy of force approach. They need to achieve security and deterrence outcomes by proverbially “doing more with less,” including considering new and creative approaches to achieving results for regional deterrence, such as integrating theater logistics and engineering capabilities more prominently into the deterrence campaign.

The crisis in Ukraine, from the perspective of Ankara, carries significant risks, but also some opportunity. It is neither a crisis of their own making, nor one that they welcomed; nevertheless, Ankara has clearly developed a basic blueprint for weathering the storm. From the perspective of Washington policymakers, their strategy is likely to hold more frustration than reassurance.