The Houthi-UAE collision course in the Red Sea
The Houthis’ latest political and military moves are setting them on a collision course with the United Arab Emirates in the broader Red Sea region.
The Houthis’ latest political and military moves are setting them on a collision course with the United Arab Emirates in the broader Red Sea region.
At the Washington Summit, NATO member states mostly focused on efforts to counter Russia and to support Ukraine. However, the 2024 summit communiqué also addresses non-Euro-Atlantic risks and opportunities, based on the idea that “conflict, fragility and instability” elsewhere directly affects NATO security.
مع احتفال حلف الناتو بمرور 75 عامًا على تأسيسه، سيجتمع أعضاء الحلف في واشنطن العاصمة في الفترة من 9 إلى 11 يوليو لعقد قمة تاريخية. ومن بين القضايا الرئيسية على جدول الأعمال معالجة التهديدات الحادة الناشئة عن منطقة البحر الأسود واعتماد نهج استراتيجي تجاه الشرق الأوسط وأفريقيا.
In its 2022 Strategic Concept, NATO declared the Black Sea Region (BSR) of strategic importance for the Alliance, yet this recognition has never translated into NATO developing a proper strategy toward its critical southeastern flank. That glaring gap must be addressed right away.
While the Washington Summit is unlikely to deliver any ground-breaking outcome, it certainly offers the opportunity to articulate the nexus between security in Europe and the Mediterranean-African region. NATO also has the opportunity to renew and streamline its partnerships with Middle Eastern and North African countries while strengthening its outreach to Africa.
قبل ثماني سنوات، لم يكن أحد يتوقع أن روسيا ستتوسع في أفريقيا بهذه السرعة والشمولية. واليوم، هناك إدراك واسع النطاق للتهديد الذي يشكله التوسع الروسي المزعزع للاستقرار في أفريقيا على حلف الناتو وأعضائه والمنطقة الأفريقية.
The Israelis and Palestinians are stuck with each other in a situation of “fierce entanglement.” Things never got “bad enough” for Israel to work toward a better and lasting solution with the Palestinians until Oct. 7 abruptly changed the status quo. After the visceral anger subsides and Hamas is replaced in Gaza, Israel and the Palestinian Authority must work together for something other than “waiting for the next round of violence.”
Netanyahu has sought to direct the blame for the debacle of Oct. 7, as well as the subsequent failures in the management of the war, squarely on the Israeli security establishment, while avoiding taking personal responsibility that would cost him his job.
On April 17, Russian and Azerbaijani officials confirmed that the Russian peacekeeping forces deployed in Karabakh since November 2020 had begun pulling out from the region. The reasons behind the decision remain a matter of intense debate; but it is possible to draw several important conclusions from its timing and consequences.
تحليل إقليمي متخصص من قبل باحثي ومساهمي معهد الشرق الأوسط.
اقرأ تقرير MEI الأسبوعي الذي يتضمن تحليلات الخبراء للتطورات الإقليمية الرئيسية للأسبوع المقبل.
Israeli leaders insist that the extreme destruction in the Gaza Strip is unavoidable given Hamas’ use of “human shields” and the fact that the militant group has embedded itself among the civilian population and routinely operates from civilian structures like hospitals and schools. But far from explaining the current devastation, the questionable “human shields” charge has become a way to shield Israel from legitimate scrutiny and accountability.
في الأشهر الأخيرة، أصبحت أوضاع إسرائيل في البحر الأحمر أكثر صعوبة على الصعيد الأمني والاقتصادي والدبلوماسي. لكن البلاد في وضع أفضل لمواجهة هذه التحديات والتهديدات من خلال الاستفادة من الشراكات الإقليمية الاستراتيجية التي طورتها على مدى السنوات القليلة الماضية.
After Hamas’s unprecedented attack against Israel on Oct. 7, the siren song of Saudi-Israeli normalization risks wrecking the US-Saudi relationship against the rocks of stubborn geopolitical realities. An interim less-for-less approach in US-Saudi negotiations that doesn’t immediately require Senate approval nor is beholden to a much less certain Israeli-Palestinian peace process could set the stage for an even more consequential “mega deal” down the line.
This month marks the 45th anniversary of the founding of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC). Mohsen Sazegara, a non-resident scholar with MEI’s Iran Program, was one of the group’s founders and a member of its first board of commanders. He later became a journalist and a reformist political activist. He was arrested and imprisoned four times before ultimately leaving Iran. He was interviewed by MEI in early May.