Research & Commentary Results

Almost every written piece on Turkey’s relations with Asia begins with a reference to the ancient Silk Road. When Turkish statesmen address Chinese audiences, they often use this metaphor to point out the “millennia-old cultural exchanges and neighborly relations” between the two countries. Inside Turkey, however, few can make sense of this anachronistic notion of shared identity. Asked about ancient Sino-Turkish ties, many will only recall how the Chinese built the “Great Wall” against the nomadic tribes of Central Asia—considered to be the forefathers of modern Turks.

On September 30, 2013, Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan announced his government’s long-awaited reform or “democratization” package. In Turkey’s highly polarized political atmosphere, responses ranged from describing the package as a historical victory for democracy that will finally free Turkey from heavy chains imposed upon it for decades, to an electoral ploy designed to polish the country’s badly damaged image as a result of the Gezi Park incidents, with no substantial improvements in democratic standards. As often is the case, the truth lies in the middle.

In recent years, Sino-Turkish relations have grown increasingly close. Sino-Turkish trade, for instance, saw a sharp rise from $4.87 billion in 2005 to $19 billion in 2012, a rise of 292.09 percent. In 2005, 44,077 Chinese citizens traveled to Turkey, and this number rose to 114,582 in 2012—a 159.96 percent increase. 2013 has seen such an overwhelming number of visits and travels to Turkey from China that the Chinese government has adopted some restrictive measures, such as limiting the number of delegations from various levels of government and universities that can make the trip.

Since the West’s economic crisis in 2008, Turkey has been less keen to join the EU, and many Turks have begun to discuss the advantages of being closer to Asia, including China, the pivotal Asian force. China has been Turkey’s third-largest trading partner for ten years now, and this standing even excludes energy imports such as oil and natural gas. While both sides are intent on deepening relations in all aspects, some obstacles must be overcome in the near future, such as the trade deficit between the two countries, which leaves Turkey indebted to the powerhouse that is China to the tune of more than $20 billion annually.

Turkey’s foreign policy under the current Justice and Development Party (AKP) government continues to attract widespread attention by scholars and policy circles alike. Over the past decade, the way Turkey has formulated and implemented its policies toward the rest of the world has transformed from a traditionally status quo-ist and reactive stance that emphasizes maintaining close relations with the West to a more assertive, multidimensional, and proactive approach with a broader geographical scope. While the process of accession to the European Union (EU) remains the main axis of its foreign policy, Turkey is now showing greater interest in regions hitherto neglected, including Asia, and this interest is materializing in the form of greater dialogue between countries, expanding economic and commercial relations, and frequent exchanges between peoples.

This article originally appeared in Foreign Policy.

The situation in Libya one year after the attack on the U.S. Special Mission in Benghazi on September 11, 2012 is chaotic, dysfunctional and disheartening. It remains not as abjectly horrible as it could be—the General National Congress did this summer finally approve a framework (however imperfect) for electing a constitutional assembly, and UN-backed efforts are under way to create an unofficial dialogue of national reconciliation—but these advances paper over ever-deeper failings, many of which were not inevitable.

Decoding Al-Qaeda’s Strategy: The Deep Battle Against America by Michael W.S. Ryan, 2013

The Middle East Institute Center for Turkish Studies’ Fourth Annual Conference on TurkeyPanel 4: The Turkey-Iran-Iraq NexusHenri J. Barkey, Lehigh UniversityAlireza Nader, RAND CorporationDenise Natali, National Defense UniversityModerator: Phebe Marr, Author and HistorianJune 14, 2013  3:30pm-5:00 pm

The Middle East Institute Center for Turkish Studies’ Fourth Annual Conference on TurkeyPanel 4: The Turkey-Iran-Iraq NexusHenri J. Barkey, Lehigh UniversityAlireza Nader, RAND CorporationDenise Natali, National Defense UniversityModerator: Phebe Marr, Author and HistorianJune 14, 2013  3:30pm-5:00 pm

The Middle East Institute Center for Turkish Studies’ Fourth Annual Conference on TurkeyPanel 4: The Turkey-Iran-Iraq NexusHenri J. Barkey, Lehigh UniversityAlireza Nader, RAND CorporationDenise Natali, National Defense UniversityModerator: Phebe Marr, Author and HistorianJune 14, 2013  3:30pm-5:00 pm

The Middle East Institute Center for Turkish Studies’ Fourth Annual Conference on TurkeyPanel 4: The Turkey-Iran-Iraq NexusHenri J. Barkey, Lehigh UniversityAlireza Nader, RAND CorporationDenise Natali, National Defense UniversityModerator: Phebe Marr, Author and HistorianJune 14, 2013  3:30pm-5:00 pm

The Middle East Institute Center for Turkish Studies’ Fourth Annual Conference on TurkeyPanel 4: The Turkey-Iran-Iraq NexusHenri J. Barkey, Lehigh UniversityAlireza Nader, RAND CorporationDenise Natali, National Defense UniversityModerator: Phebe Marr, Author and HistorianJune 14, 2013  3:30pm-5:00 pm

The Middle East Institute Center for Turkish Studies’ Fourth Annual Conference on TurkeyPanel 3: Is a Turkey-PKK Peace Deal Finally Possible?Ayse Betül Çelik, Sabanci UniversityChristopher Harmon, Marine Corps UniversityAliza Marcus, Author and JournalistModerator: Anna Gawel, Washington DiplomatJune 14, 2013  2:00pm-3:15pm