The Economic Determinants of Arab Democratization
- Introduction.
Amidst ongoing violence against protestors in Syria, Hande Ayan of the Center for Turkish Studies discusses the uneasy diplomatic relationship between Turkey and Syria and Turkey’s role in the political situation there. The September 2011 Bulletin also introduces MEI scholars Philip Frayne, who speaks on his Foreign Service career and offers his insights on how the US can support democratic transitions in the Middle East, and Randa Slim, who is interviewed on her experience in post-conflict reconciliation.
In the wake of the recent Nuclear Security Summit in Washington DC, Turkish-Iranian relations once again came under scrutiny. As the US and the EU have intensified their efforts to impose sanctions on Iran through the UN Security Council, Turkey’s role in this issue has come into question. Notwithstanding Turkish temporary membership in the Security Council, the Turkish position will be critical for any effective implementation of sanctions.
*A longer version of this article was first published in Volume 11 of Current Trends in Islamist Ideology.
Soil and groundwater salinity has emerged as the most significant agricultural problem facing the Sultanate of Oman. Scant rainfall, coupled with high temperature, is always conducive to the accumulation of salts in soils. These conditions are predominant in Oman. Secondary soil salinity has increased at a very rapid rate due to the persistent use of saline groundwater, which, over time, has become more concentrated due to increased pumping by farmers in the Batinah region – the country’s most important agricultural area.
Oman is an arid country where the pressure on freshwater reserves is as severe as that of any other arid or semi-arid country in the world. Increasing water availability by treating and reusing wastewater, particularly for irrigation, is a government policy in Oman. Identification of alternative sources of water and development of appropriate technology to harness them in order to reduce pressure on freshwater reserves and production capacity in Oman is a priority.
This Commentary first appeared in the American Interest's Middle East Blog on January 13, 2011.
*This article was first published in November 2010 by Jane's Islamic Affairs Analyst.
The second half of 2010 witnessed a flurry of interaction between Iranian diplomats and their African counterparts. Not all the buzz has been beneficial to Tehran, as was most recently demonstrated by the Republic of the Gambia’s 22 November decision to break its ties with Iran, but the overall activity nonetheless reflects the increasing emphasis Tehran is putting on closer relations with countries on the continent.
The Middle East Institute is pleased to host Dr. Thomas O'Donnell,
lecturer in Graduate International Affairs at the New School in New
York, for a discussion on China's perception of the Iranian nuclear
issue. Drawing on his expertise in the global energy system, Dr.
O'Donnell will examine why Beijing, which was initially and very
vocally opposed to UN sanctions, ended up voting in favor of them. He
will outline the energy-security nexus underlying China's interests in
*A longer version of this Policy Insight was first published in Jane’s Islamic Affairs Analyst on July 30, 2010.
This Commentary was originally published as an op-ed in the Huffington Post May 24, 2010.
This Commentary first appeared as an op-ed in the America's Quarterly Policy Journal, Spring 2010
Can Brazil play a significant role in containing Iran's nuclear ambitions? No.
Brazil’s self-perceptions and aspirations as an emerging global power are a key to understanding why the government of President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva has chosen this particular moment in time to deepen ties with an Iranian regime that is facing crisis, both at home and abroad.
“In some areas of the Gulf, you can’t tell whether you are in an Arab Muslim country or in an Asian district.”
— Majeed al-Alawi, Bahrain Minister of Labor (October 2007)
The six states of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC)[1]have over five million migrant workers — one of the highest concentrations of migrant workers in the world. According to the World Migration Report (2003), 25% of the workers in Saudi Arabia, 65% in Kuwait, 67% in the UAE, and as much as 70% in Qatar are immigrants or non-nationals.
Originally posted on June 2009