Egypt and the Dynamics of Revolution and Transition
Egypt and the Dynamics of Revolution and Transition, MEI Podcast 6 April, 2012
Egypt and the Dynamics of Revolution and Transition, MEI Podcast 6 April, 2012
Dr. George Gavrilis of the Hollings Center for International Dialogue will serve as the discussant. The talk will focus on Younis's recent publication in the Turkish Policy Quarterly on the role of Turkey in a changing MENA region and the potential influence it can have on the process of democratization in Egypt. Younis will also share some insights from Gallup's polling in other Arab Spring countries on the public's perceptions of the challenges facing their nations following the uprisings of 2011.
The Feasibility of the “Turkish Model” for Egypt podcast, 5 April, 2012
The Feasibility of the “Turkish Model” for Egypt podcast, 5 April, 2012
The Feasibility of the “Turkish Model” for Egypt podcast, 5 April, 2012
The Feasibility of the “Turkish Model” for Egypt podcast, 5 April, 2012
Originally posted June 2011
The Russian government, like its counterparts in the West, the Middle East, and elsewhere, was caught off guard by the outburst of Arab uprisings beginning in January 2011 that swept away long-ruling authoritarian regimes in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and (it appears) Yemen, and have threatened to topple those in Bahrain and Syria. The response of the Russian government to these events has, like that of Western governments, often been confused and inconsistent. Just as Western governments have done, Moscow has sought to protect its interests in the region.
Jerusalem will probably be the toughest issue in any future Israeli-Palestinian peace negotiations. The other three core issues – borders/settlements, security, and Palestinian refugees – will also be very difficult, but Jerusalem is at a different level. Jews, Muslims, and Christians worldwide have strong attachment to the city and its many holy sites. For Israelis and Palestinians, Jerusalem is the focal point of national, cultural, and religious identities and aspirations. Their conflicting claims are based on long history and narratives that do not accommodate the other.
Originally posted August 2011
This Opinion first appeared in the Huffington Post on March 22, 2012
Originally posted September, 2011
The flow of ideas, people, and commerce across national boundaries has been occurring with breathtaking rapidity in the broader Middle East, as elsewhere. These increasingly dense exchanges have generated new threats and vulnerabilities that have tended to impact women, children, and the poorest members of society disproportionately. They also have given people more resources and opportunities with which to shape their lives and their futures.
Originally posted September 2011
Approximately six months ago, I asked an astute long-time American observer of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict whether we had come to the end of the road for a two-state solution. He replied that we had come to the end of that road in 1967. Putting it differently, Zhou Enlai, the premier of the People’s Republic of China under Mao Zedong, when asked what he thought of the French Revolution, reportedly replied that it was too early to tell.
Are Iran’s leaders rational actors? This question matters when justifying any decision by Israel to preempt Iran’s acquisition of nuclear weapons. An Iranian regime seen as driven to destroy the Jewish state has to be dealt with differently than one whose objectives are mediated by calculations of costs and benefits. Deterrents that would be normally expected to restrain a state would not work with an irrational Iran.