الأبحاث والتعليقات

The Middle East Institute is proud to host author and MEI adjunct scholar Michael W. S. Ryan for a discussion of his book, Decoding Al-Qaeda’s Strategy: The Deep Battle Against America (Columbia University Press, 2013). In his latest book, Dr. Ryan draws on extensive research of al-Qaeda’s Salafist roots and of the work of lesser-known al-Qaeda theoreticians, ultimately determining that jihadist terrorism strategy more closely resembles Maoist guerrilla warfare than mainstream Islam.

Prior to its first democratically elected government taking office in 1988, the Republic of Korea endured a peculiarly harsh twentieth century. The first decade saw Korea’s last dynasty struggle futilely to modernize amidst the specter of growing Japanese interference. From 1910 until 1945, the nation suffered through the traumatic and humiliating period of Japanese colonization, emerging upon Japan’s defeat in World War II only to face the division of the country into North and South Korea and the incredibly destructive Korean War of 1950-1953. The post-Korean War period was characterized by political divisions, human rights abuses, and economic growth, presided over by a series of authoritarian rulers.

The first decade of the twenty-first century has been characterized by the emergence of a new politics of human rights that has become the defining agenda of much national and international politics. This universalist discourse of rights has gained unprecedented leverage in global debate, propelled by narratives that rarely pause to question the evidence or ideology that underlies it. This is nowhere more true than in the practice of human rights after conflict or political violence, in which transitional justice has become a dominant approach to addressing legacies of violations, backed by an industry of practitioners and donors.

On December 1, a 50-member panel given the task of amending Egypt’s constitution approved a draft of the document. It now goes to Interim President Adly Mansour for his approval and will then go to the public in a referendum. MEI spoke with its Senior Fellow, Khalil al-Anani, about the draft, how it differs from the 2012 constitution passed under Mohamed Morsi, and how the Muslim Brotherhood has reacted to it.

In general, what has changed in this new draft?

During the 1970s the Communist Party dominated almost all walks of life in Vietnam. This strict control, especially in regard to the economy, failed to achieve sustainable development. Vietnamese authorities then began to pursue a policy of openness to the outside world, and the Doi Moi, or “renovation,” was launched in 1986. As a result of this and other gradual reforms, Vietnam has become one of the fastest-growing economies in Asia, with annual GDP growth averaging 7.1 percent between 2000 and 2012—a rate that the country is expected to sustain over the next decade. In this context, Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC)-Vietnam relations are promising and may develop steadily over the coming years.

2013 Annual Conference:   Overview  |  Banquet  |  Conference  |  Luncheon

Earlier this week, Iran and world powers reached a deal in which Iran will curb its nuclear program for six months in exchange for a drop in some sanctions. MEI spoke with one of its experts, Alex Vatanka, to gain an understanding of how hardliners in Iran are reacting to the deal as well as other internal dynamics in the Islamic Republic.

How have hardliners in Iran, such as the Revolutionary Guards, responded to the news of the interim agreement?

Turkish Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu’s visit to Washington, D.C. last week came on the heels of a year of soul searching for Turkish foreign policy. After the Arab uprisings shook Turkey’s guiding principle of “zero problems with neighbors,” the country now seems intent on resuming the leadership role it enjoyed in the pre-Arab Spring Middle East.

The initial impulse for Pakistan and Turkey to pursue security cooperation stemmed from their common opposition to Communism in the 1950s. Over the past decade, Pakistan and Turkey have once again sought to cooperate in the security sphere, this time in countering terrorism and ensuring stability in Afghanistan.

The nuclear deal with Iran, though still temporary and tentative, is ushering in a historic shift in the patterns of power, conflict, and diplomacy in the region. Like all historic shifts, it is laden with uncertainty and risk of new conflicts, but also carries with it potential opportunities for further diplomacy and finding common ground. Given the precedent of conflict and mistrust in the region, it is no surprise that the deal has raised concerns among many of America’s allies.

Yesterday, the United States and Afghanistan completed a bilateral security pact ensuring that U.S. troops will remain in the country. It now goes to a council of elders—the loya jirga—for authorization. MEI spoke with Scholar-in-Residence Marvin Weinbaum about the pact’s sticking points, next steps for its approval, and what each country gains from the agreement.

What does the U.S.-Afghan security pact stipulate?

Moderator: Brian Katulis, Center for American ProgressLina Khatib, Stanford UniversityAhmad Maher, April 6 MovementMabrouka Mbarek, Tunisian Constituent Assembly MemberAyat Mneina, Libyan Youth Movement

Moderator: Michael Hudson, National University of SingaporeAaron David Miller, The Woodrow Wilson CenterFred Hof, Rafik Hariri Center at the Atlantic CouncilRoula Khalaf, Financial TimesSteven Simon, International Institute for Strategic Studies 

Moderator: Amb. Daniel Kurtzer, Middle East InstituteMunib Masri, PADICO HoldingYossi Vardi, High-tech investor and entrepreneurMiroslav Dusek, World Economic Forum