الأبحاث والتعليقات

Over the past several decades, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) has been transformed into one of the world’s most robust economies. The key to the UAE’s success has been economic diversification; indeed, oil now accounts for only one-third of the country’s GDP. According to UAE Ministry of Foreign Trade Reports, the value of non-oil exports increased thirtyfold during the period 1981-2009. Dubai accounted for approximately 82 percent of non-oil exports in the UAE in 2010, while Abu Dhabi accounted for 14 percent. In particular, by setting up over two dozen free zones as platforms for nearly all industry sectors, the UAE has become far less dependent on oil.

1. The current state apparatus is intent on using force to disperse sit-ins—protests that are a direct response to a genuine political crisis. Blood has been spilled; victims are being shot down. Political solutions have been willfully ignored, and so has the fact that efforts to bring about such solutions are absolutely critical, regardless of what difficulties or obstacles may stand in the way.

The Iranian diaspora in Malaysia is a diverse and vibrant community of educators, students, artists, and entrepreneurs. The following essays provide snapshots of the historical and cultural connections between Iran and Malaysia, as well as the personal and professional experiences and creative output of some of the members of this community.

An Israeli in Palestine: Resisting Dispossession, Redeeming Israel by Jeff Halper, 2008

Since the 1970s oil boom, the Gulf region has been one of the principal destinations for workers from South Asia, with the result that today Indians constitute a large percentage of the non-nationals living in the region. Indeed, at five million out of an estimated 15 million people, the Indian community forms the largest expatriate group in each of the Gulf countries. Most Indian immigrants are from the south Indian state of Kerala, while many of the rest originate from Tamil Nadu, Punjab, Uttar Pradesh, and Bihar.

The current wave of violence in Egypt, which began in the wake of June 30, 2013, is unlike any other the Egyptian public has witnessed since the January 25 revolution of 2011. Both verbal and political forms of violence are driving Egypt’s state and society toward a dangerous precipice—and to a total departure from the path to democratic transformation.

This article originally appeared in Foreign Policy.

“What’s interesting about the Christians is that when they elect Shafik, they comprise half the population; when they go down to Ittihadiya [Palace] they are most of the population; when it comes to building churches they are five percent; and right before the elections they are partners in the nation.”

–Egyptian satirist Bassem Youssef, December 14, 2012[1]

The fact that millions of Egyptians welcomed back the military and the police in order to depose Morsi and his Muslim Brotherhood in early July has given the police a regained sense of control and authority. As such, they have returned to the streets in large numbers and, moreover, have been implicated in the shooting deaths of protestors calling for Morsi’s reinstatement.

Significant numbers of Egyptians again poured into the streets on July 26 in response to Defense Minister Abdul-Fattah el-Sisi’s call to demonstrate “against terrorism.” While some may argue over the merit of el-Sisi’s call, the deluge of people into the streets reflects a rejection of what they believe is a Brotherhood campaign of political violence waged not just against security forces but against civilians.

Popular art produced by immigrant artists reflects their special circumstances, namely the challenges and limitations associated with navigating two cultures. Such is the case for many Iranian artists in Malaysia who have nonetheless overcome these obstacles to create art.

The Middle East Institute, in conjunction with the Conflict Management Program at SAIS, is pleased to welcome Dr. Ahmad Atif Ahmad, Professor of Religious Studies at the University of California, Santa Barbara, and Dr. Jonathan A. Brown, Associate Professor of Islam and Muslim-Christian Understanding at the Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service, for a discussion about the thinking and strategy of Islamist actors in Egypt in the wake of Egyptian president Mohamed Morsi’s ouster.

The Middle East Institute, in conjunction with the Conflict Management Program at SAIS, is pleased to welcome Dr. Ahmad Atif Ahmad, Professor of Religious Studies at the University of California, Santa Barbara, and Dr. Jonathan A. Brown, Associate Professor of Islam and Muslim-Christian Understanding at the Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service, for a discussion about the thinking and strategy of Islamist actors in Egypt in the wake of Egyptian president Mohamed Morsi’s ouster.