The conventional framing of China’s role in the Middle East in policy discourse centers on a familiar question: what challenge does Beijing pose to US primacy? The answer is often framed as a largely linear story in which expanding economic influence gradually translates into geopolitical leverage.Yet this view captures only part of the reality.
Europe did not choose the war with Iran, and most European governments still resist describing themselves as participants in it. But six months of military basing, missile-defense drawdowns, energy shocks, sanctions pressure and planning for possible migration crisis have made that distance harder to sustain.
When President Xi Jinping arrived in Cairo this week for his first state visit to Egypt in a decade, trade, investment and geopolitics were inevitably high on the agenda. But Xi also made something else unusually prominent: culture.
After the Cold War, the Romanian government chose to slim down its sizeable defense industry, but it essentially maintained its state-backed structure, personnel, and management, thus producing a thoroughly inefficient system. Today, Romania retains a proclivity to purchase Western, and particularly American, defense equipment; but it has often neglected any thorough assessments of life cycle costs or real force design considerations.
The IMF, CPEC, and Pakistan: Will the Chinese save Islamabad yet again?
The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), once heralded as a “game-changer,” has almost disappeared from the spotlight in recent years. The project has faced slow implementation, unpaid loans, corruption, and a dire security situation. How is China responding to Pakistan’s poor handling of CPEC, its perpetual financial troubles, and its periodic demands on China to bail it out?
Russia and China’s differing engagements with the Houthis
Although Russia and China are in regular dialogue with the Houthis, the motivations that undergird the engagements of both countries differ markedly. The Houthis regard both Russia and China as partners against American unilateralism but have a warmer relationship with Moscow.
China’s humanitarian role: Insights from the Syrian refugee crisis
China’s response to the Syrian refugee crisis should be viewed within the broader context of its evolving approach to humanitarian aid and its overall involvement and objectives in the Syrian conflict.
The geopolitical implications of Houthi attacks and Israeli retaliation
The Houthis’ strategy of escalation has the potential to upset the fragile balance of power in the Middle East and underlines the ability of smaller actors to influence larger geopolitical outcomes through calculated risks and alliances.
Turkey is not “lost,” but it is time for other NATO allies to more strongly reengage
Turkey’s loyalty to the Alliance is frequently questioned, including accusations of fence-sitting, especially when it comes to Russia. To ask, “Who lost Turkey?” is to misread the situation. Turkey is increasingly, albeit carefully, moving away from the Kremlin.
The geopolitical causes of Georgia’s political crisis
Strengthening authoritarian rule in Georgia is not just a reflection of Georgia’s internal politics but also a symptom of the West’s broader disengagement from the wider Black Sea region. This disengagement has facilitated Russian state capture in Georgia, undermining the rule of law and democracy.
Key takeaways for NATO and the Middle East from the Washington Summit Declaration
At the Washington Summit, NATO member states mostly focused on efforts to counter Russia and to support Ukraine. However, the 2024 summit communiqué also addresses non-Euro-Atlantic risks and opportunities, based on the idea that “conflict, fragility and instability” elsewhere directly affects NATO security.
الناتو وشمال أفريقيا والساحل: تسوية مثلث انعدام الأمن
مع احتفال حلف الناتو بمرور 75 عامًا على تأسيسه، سيجتمع أعضاء الحلف في واشنطن العاصمة في الفترة من 9 إلى 11 يوليو لعقد قمة تاريخية. ومن بين القضايا الرئيسية على جدول الأعمال معالجة التهديدات الحادة الناشئة عن منطقة البحر الأسود واعتماد نهج استراتيجي تجاه الشرق الأوسط وأفريقيا.
On the Eve of the Washington Summit: Shoring up NATO’s Vulnerable Flanks
On July 9-11, Washington will host the leaders of NATO’s 32 member states for a special anniversary summit, celebrating 75 years since the Alliance’s founding. But the NATO heads of state and government are unlikely to spend much time reminiscing. Their agenda will be full, spanning from Ukraine, Russia, wars in the Middle East, China, terrorism, cyber threats, NATO enlargement, boosting Allied capabilities, freedom of navigation around the world, nuclear deterrence, and more.
In its 2022 Strategic Concept, NATO declared the Black Sea Region (BSR) of strategic importance for the Alliance, yet this recognition has never translated into NATO developing a proper strategy toward its critical southeastern flank. That glaring gap must be addressed right away.
While the Washington Summit is unlikely to deliver any ground-breaking outcome, it certainly offers the opportunity to articulate the nexus between security in Europe and the Mediterranean-African region. NATO also has the opportunity to renew and streamline its partnerships with Middle Eastern and North African countries while strengthening its outreach to Africa.
ليبيا تظل مفتاح الناتو لمواجهة الأنشطة الروسية الخبيثة في أفريقيا
قبل ثماني سنوات، لم يكن أحد يتوقع أن روسيا ستتوسع في أفريقيا بهذه السرعة والشمولية. واليوم، هناك إدراك واسع النطاق للتهديد الذي يشكله التوسع الروسي المزعزع للاستقرار في أفريقيا على حلف الناتو وأعضائه والمنطقة الأفريقية.
